New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915 April-September, 1915 — Inside the Classic

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Authors: Various Digital Source: Project Gutenberg Gutenberg Release Year: 2005 First Publication Year: Not confirmed

Key Word: World War, 1914-1918 Target Reader: Readers of public-domain and historical texts

Book Edition: Project Gutenberg digital edition Book Language: en

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Words 127,681

Reading time 556 min

Text sections 19

This digital edition of New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915 April-September, 1915 — Inside the Classic is described by source-level measurements including 127,681 words, 9 hr 16 min estimated reading time, and 19 detected text sections.

The text analysis averages about 23.7 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.

Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “World War, 1914-1918,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.

Source: Project Gutenberg record #15480

This June 1915 issue of Current History compiles contemporary newspaper accounts, official dispatches, and opinion pieces on the Lusitania sinking, submarine warfare, the Gallipoli landing, and the war's early phases, offering a primary-source snapshot of how events were reported and debated as they unfolded.

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There was recently published in the newspapers of the United States, I regret to inform the Imperial German Government, a formal warning, purporting to come from the Imperial German Embassy at Washington, addressed to the people of the United States, and stating, in effect, that any citizen of the United States who exercised his right of free travel upon the seas would do so at his peril if his journey should take him within the zone of waters within which the Imperial German Navy was using submarines against the commerce of Great Britain and France, notwithstanding the respectful but very earnest protest of his Government, the Government of the United States. I do not refer to this for the purpose of calling the attention of the Imperial German Government at this time to the surprising irregularity of a communication from the Imperial German Embassy at Washington addressed to the people of the United States through the newspapers, but only for the purpose of pointing out that no warning that an unlawful and inhumane act will be committed can possibly be accepted as an excuse or palliation for that act or as an abatement of the responsibility for its commission.

Long acquainted as this Government has been with the character of the Imperial Government, and with the high principles of equity by which they have in the past been actuated and guided, the Government of the United States cannot believe that the commanders of the vessels which committed these acts of lawlessness did so except under a misapprehension of the orders issued by the Imperial German naval authorities. It takes it for granted that, at least within the practical possibilities of every such case, the commanders even of submarines were expected to do nothing that would involve the lives of noncombatants or the safety of neutral ships, even at the cost of failing of their object of capture or destruction. It confidently expects, therefore, that the Imperial German Government will disavow the acts of which the Government of the United States complains; that they will make reparation so far as reparation is possible for injuries which are without measure, and that they will take immediate steps to prevent the recurrence of anything so obviously subversive of the principles of warfare for which the Imperial German Government have in the past so wisely and so firmly contended.

The Government and people of the United States look to the Imperial German Government for just, prompt, and enlightened action in this vital matter with the greater confidence, because the United States and Germany are bound together not only by special ties of friendship, but also by the explicit stipulations of the Treaty of 1828, between the United States and the Kingdom of Prussia.

Expressions of regret and offers of reparation in case of the destruction of neutral ships sunk by mistake, while they may satisfy international obligations, if no loss of life results, cannot justify or excuse a practice the natural and necessary effect of which is to subject neutral nations and neutral persons to new and immeasurable risks.

The Imperial German Government will not expect the Government of the United States to omit any word or any act necessary to the performance of its sacred duty of maintaining the rights of the United States and its citizens and of safeguarding their free exercise and enjoyment.

THE WARNING AND THE CONSEQUENCE--

[On Saturday, May 1, the day that the Lusitania left New York on her last voyage, the following advertisement bearing the authentication of the German Embassy at Washington appeared in the chief newspapers of the United States, placed next the advertisement of the Cunard Line:

TRAVELLERS intending to embark on the Atlantic voyage are reminded that a state of war exists between Germany and her allies and Great Britain and her allies; that the zone of war includes the waters adjacent to the British Isles; that, in accordance with formal notice given by the Imperial German Government vessels flying the flag of Great Britain, or of any of her allies, are liable to destruction in those waters and that travellers sailing in the war zone on ships of Great Britain or her allies do so at their own risk.

IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY

WASHINGTON, D.C., APRIL 22, 1915.

Despite this warning, relying on President Wilson's note to Germany of Feb. 10, 1915, which declared that the United States would "hold the Imperial Government of Germany to a strict accountability" for such an act within the submarine zone; relying, also, on the speed of the ship, and hardly conceiving that the threat would be carried out, over two thousand men, women, and children embarked. The total toll of the dead was 1,150, of whom 114 were known to be American citizens.

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The volume opens with the Lusitania case, presenting President Wilson's note to Germany dated six days after the sinking, alongside survivor descriptions and German justifications. The editor's framing—placing Wilson's statement that he was 'considering very earnestly, but very calmly, the right course of action'—immediately establishes the diplomatic tension. The table of contents lists over thirty items, from 'Three Speeches By President Wilson' to 'Bernard Shaw's Terms of Peace,' signaling a mix of official documents, press opinion, and literary commentary. Readers should note that the excerpts are drawn from a monthly magazine, not a unified history; each section stands as a contemporary artifact.

Diplomatic Documents and Editorial Framing

The first major section, 'The Lusitania Case,' includes Wilson's note, survivor accounts, and German press opinion. The note itself is described as 'written consequent on the torpedoing' and dated six days later, with the President's secretary emphasizing 'careful deliberation.' This framing suggests the editors aimed to present a measured, documentary record. The inclusion of 'Germany Justifies the Deed' and 'German Press Opinion' indicates an effort to show both sides, though the selection of materials—such as the phrase 'A Policy of Murder' in the contents—reveals an underlying editorial stance. Readers should compare the language of official statements with the more emotive headlines to gauge the magazine's perspective.

Eyewitness Accounts of the Gallipoli Landing

The fourth dispatch from the Dardanelles, dated April 27, provides a vivid, first-person narrative of the Australian and New Zealand troops under fire. The writer describes 'the enemy had been very largely reinforced' and notes that 'the Turks will never face' the bayonet. The account focuses on naval bombardment: 'Seven warships had moved in close to the shore, while the Queen Elizabeth, further out, acted as a kind of chaperone.' The sensory details—'the noise, smoke, and concussion produced was unlike anything you can even imagine'—and the observation that 'we picked up many bullets on the deck afterward' ground the report in immediate experience. This dispatch exemplifies the magazine's blend of official reporting and personal observation.

The War's Human and Political Dimensions

Beyond battle accounts, the volume includes pieces on 'War With Poisonous Gases,' 'The Canadians at Ypres,' and 'German Women Not Yet For Peace.' The contents list 'The Drowned Sailor' and 'The Soldier's Epitaph' alongside 'Diagnosis of the Englishman' and 'Bernard Shaw's Terms of Peace.' This range shows the magazine covering not only military events but also social and cultural reactions. The inclusion of 'Alleged German Atrocities' and 'Scriabin's Last Words' suggests an interest in both propaganda and high culture. Readers should note how these shorter pieces contrast with the longer documentary sections, offering a more opinionated or literary take on the war.

Structure and Reader Navigation

The table of contents lists items under broad headings like 'The Lusitania Case' and 'Seven Days of War East and West,' but the excerpts show that within each section, documents are arranged chronologically or thematically. For example, the Lusitania section moves from Wilson's note to survivor descriptions to German justifications. The Gallipoli dispatches are numbered (first through fourth), indicating a serialized report. The volume also includes a 'Chronology of the War' and 'Notes,' suggesting an editorial effort to provide context. Readers should use the contents as a map, noting that the magazine's monthly format means each issue covers a specific period (April-September 1915) and may assume familiarity with earlier events.

This volume rewards readers who approach it as a primary source rather than a retrospective history. The juxtaposition of official notes, battlefield dispatches, and opinion pieces reveals how information was curated for an American audience in mid-1915. Pay attention to the dates and sources of each document; the magazine's editorial choices—what to include, how to headline, and where to place emphasis—are as revealing as the texts themselves.

I keep thinking about that June 1915 issue—the raw dispatches, the disbelief in the headlines, how the world seemed to tilt in real time. It felt like watching history breathe. That same weight stayed with me in Turkey, the Great Powers, and the Bagdad Railway: A study in imperialism — A Closer Reading—how quiet ambitions and old maps slowly tightened into something enormous, almost by accident.