The Royal Institution: Its Founder and First Professors — Reading Notes

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Jones, Bence, 1814-1873 Project Gutenberg 2014 Not confirmed
Davy, Humphry, Sir, 1778-1829; Rumford, Benjamin, Graf von, 1753-1814; Young, Thomas, 1773-1829; Royal Institution of Great Britain Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 139,717
Reading time 608 min
Text sections 15

The catalog record for The Royal Institution: Its Founder and First Professors — Reading Notes provides practical reading context through 139,717 words, 10 hr 8 min estimated reading time, and 15 detected text sections.

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Bence Jones traces the Royal Institution's founding by Count Rumford and its early professors, using archival minutes and correspondence to show how Rumford's vision and Davy's influence shaped the institution before Faraday.
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LIFE OF RUMFORD BEFORE THE FOUNDATION OF THE INSTITUTION.

At Charlestown, Massachusetts, in the year 1630, James Thompson was among Winthrop’s company. He settled about ten miles inland, and the place was called Woburn. In 1752 Benjamin Thompson was there with his father, Captain Ebenezer Thompson, and he married Ruth Simonds, of that place. Their child, the future Count Rumford, was born in his grandfathers farmhouse, on March 26, 1753. The house is still to be seen near the meeting-house in North Woburn. When the child was a year old his father died, and when he was three years old his mother married again. ‘To the close of her life Rumford wrote to her full of affection, and by the munificent provision which he made for her he showed his tender, grateful regard for her.’

A small inheritance from his grandfather helped to support and to educate the boy. By the law of Massachusetts everyone had a good grammar-school education, and the village school teacher at Woburn was then a graduate of Harvard College and taught a little Latin. From his earliest years the boy was fickle and careless. He neglected regular work, but liked arithmetic. He was full of energy and quick to make what he wanted. When eleven he went to a better school in the neighbouring town of Medford. When thirteen Benjamin Thompson appeared unlikely to make a farmer. He was therefore apprenticed to an importer of British goods and a dealer in everything, at Salem, on October 14, 1766. ‘Instead of watching for customers over the counter, he busied himself with tools and instruments under it.’ When he could he played his fiddle, and played it well. When only fourteen his master allowed him to make small ventures in shipping goods that were paid for by a relative. He was clever at drawing and cutting names, and he thought he had ‘invented a machine for making motion perpetual.’ When the repeal of the Stamp Act occurred, he blew himself up with fireworks, and was in great danger of death. His master signed the non-importation agreement. Thus his apprentice became useless. When sixteen he returned to his mother. To an elder school-fellow, L. Baldwin, at this time he wrote questions on light, heat, and the wind.

In 1769, when seventeen, he was apprentice and clerk to a drygoods dealer at Boston. There he went to an evening-school to learn French, paying only for the hours he attended.

A note-book made by him about this time still exists. It abounds in caricatures. Has receipts for different fireworks. One of these ends with, ‘Love is a noble passion of the mind.’ Contains the sum he paid for learning French and for pew-rent, and the sums gained by cutting and carting firewood for relatives. Instructions for the back sword exercise, with a sketch of two combatants; and later there is an account of ‘what expense I have been at towards getting an electrical machine,’ and ‘an account of what work I have done towards getting an electrical machine.’

In the winter of 1770 he was ill for five weeks with fever. Then for eighteen months off and on he boarded with Dr. John Hay, of Woburn, and whilst with him he learned something of anatomy, chemistry, materia medica, surgery, and physic. During the summer, 1771, he went to Cambridge, to attend Mr. Winthrop’s lectures on Experimental Philosophy. In the winter of 1771-2 for some weeks he was teaching in a school at Wilmington, and in the spring he taught at Bradford. In the summer he left Dr. Hay for good, because he was asked by Colonel Walker to become the fixed master of a school at Concord, New Hampshire. This place had been called Rumford when it belonged to Essex County, Massachusetts. The name was changed when the disputes as to the county to which it belonged were ended.

The Rev. T. Walker was the first minister of Concord. He was a native of Woburn and connected with the Thompson family. He was the chief man in Concord. His son was a colonel and a lawyer, and his daughter, when about thirty, was married to Colonel Rolfe, who was sixty. She was left a rich widow in two years, and in the middle of the following year Thompson came as schoolmaster to Concord. He was not yet quite twenty. His friend Baldwin describes him ‘as of fine, manly make and figure, nearly six feet high, with handsome features, bright blue eyes and dark auburn hair. His manners were polished and his ways fascinating, and he could make himself agreeable. He had well used his opportunities of culture, so that his knowledge was beyond that of most of those around him, and he was able to give satisfaction as a teacher.’

Bence Jones, honorary secretary of the Royal Institution, opens his history by declaring that the institution 'owes its origin entirely to Rumford, and would certainly have failed but for Davy.' Drawing on minutes of managers and proprietors, unpublished letters from Sir Joseph Banks, and American war manuscripts, Jones aims to recover Rumford's neglected role as founder and Davy's decisive influence in shaping the institution's enduring form. The preface signals a deliberate corrective: by the 1870s, Faraday's fame had overshadowed earlier figures, and Jones sets out to document what Rumford 'at first intended it to be' and what Davy made it.

Rumford's Practical Vision and the Repository of Models

Jones reproduces Rumford's own prospectus language, which insists the institution must be 'more practical than academies of science and more theoretical than societies for the improvement of arts.' Rumford envisioned a repository of models as a 'supplementary room for apparatus exhibited and described in the lectures,' where 'a few other articles may perhaps deserve admission.' He explicitly forbade discussions connected with the learned professions, arguing that 'nothing can be more pernicious to individuals or to society than the attempting to proceed practically upon an imperfect conception of a few first principles only.' The excerpts show Rumford's careful balance: he wanted to prune 'the luxuriant shoots of youthful invention' with leniency, not extirpation. Notably, Jones notes that Rumford's prospectus 'made no mention of the workshops nor of the education of artisans,' a silence that contrasts with later assumptions about the institution's mission.

Davy's Ascendancy and the Shift in Institutional Character

Jones argues that after Rumford and Sir Joseph Banks left, and Mr. Bernard and Sir John Hippesley became leading managers, 'Professor Davy gradually became the main supporter of the place, and to him chiefly it owes the form which it now retains.' The preface explicitly states that the institution 'would certainly have failed but for Davy.' Jones traces this shift through the minutes, showing how Davy's lectures and research reoriented the institution away from Rumford's original emphasis on practical mechanics toward a more theoretical and experimental science. The excerpts do not reveal Davy's own words, but Jones's framing positions him as the pivotal figure who transformed Rumford's founding vision into the institution that later housed Faraday.

The Institution as a 'Subordinate University' for Women

One of the more striking passages in the excerpts concerns Rumford's remarks on female education. He stated that 'the many leisure hours which are at the command of females in the superior orders of society may surely be appropriated with greater satisfaction to the improvement of the mind,' and proposed that the Royal Institution 'may in some degree supply the place of a subordinate university to those whose sex or situation in life has denied them the advantage of an academical education.' This is a specific, documented ambition that the catalog subjects do not capture. Jones includes it without commentary, leaving readers to weigh Rumford's progressive gesture against the class limitations implicit in 'superior orders of society.' The passage suggests that the institution's early mission included an educational role for women, a facet that later histories may have underemphasized.

Jones's method—searching minutes, correspondence, and state papers—gives this history a documentary texture that rewards attention to what the sources include and omit. Readers will find that the excerpts offer only fragments of Rumford's prospectus and Jones's prefatory arguments; the full text likely contains many more such archival recoveries. The editorial note here is that the catalog subjects list Davy, Rumford, Young, and the institution itself, but the excerpts reveal a more nuanced story of contested purposes, forgotten founders, and an early commitment to women's education that complicates any simple narrative of the Royal Institution's origins.

Reading about Rumford's stubborn vision for the Royal Institution, I remembered my grandfather's worn copy of History of Early Steamboat Navigation on the Missouri River, Volume 2 (of 2) Life and Adventures of Joseph La Barge — Reading Notes, where the same patient, almost obsessive documenting of early failures and slow triumphs felt like a warm hand on a cold winter evening.

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