David Morgan, the Welsh Jacobite a contribution to the history of Jacobitism in Wales — Edition Insights
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For David Morgan, the Welsh Jacobite a contribution to the history of Jacobitism in Wales — Edition Insights, the stored edition analysis reports 16,627 words, 1 hr 13 min estimated reading time, and 2 detected text sections.
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hat there were not above 3000 soldiers between London and that city, and those mostly dragoons, except a few undisciplined troops lately raised by Lords Gower and Cholmondely, who could make but little opposition.” {21}
They departed from Manchester on the 1st of December, and, marching through Congleton, Leek, and Ashbourn, they entered on the 4th December into the town of Derby, which was only one hundred and twenty-seven miles distant from the metropolis.
The news of the Pretender having arrived at that town soon reached London, and struck terror into the hearts of those who were unfavourable to the Stuarts’ cause; and the King was so seriously alarmed, that he ordered his yacht to be loaded with his valuables, and to remain at the Tower Quay, prepared to start at the shortest intimation. At this time, precarious as the Prince’s position unquestionably was, a bold dash in the direction of London would probably have rendered him the possessor of the throne of England. Weaker counsels, however, prevailed; the whole of the principal leaders imperatively urged a retreat into Scotland, and the Prince was compelled to succumb to their views, though wholly opposed to his own convictions. This decision sealed the fate of Charles, and destroyed the glowing hopes that had hitherto buoyed him up; but none of his adherents, as has been already stated, were more clearly impressed with the conviction of the suicidal impolicy of a retrograde movement than David Morgan. Bold, decisive, and rapid action could alone have saved them; and an onward march would have encouraged the wavering, and strengthened the determination of the doubtful; while many of their adherents, as in the case of the Welsh gentry, were at that moment on their way to join them. But regardless of the prayers and entreaties of the Prince, the Highland commanders held firmly to their determination to return to Scotland; and on Friday, {22} the 6th of December, commenced the melancholy retreat, that was the forerunner of so much subsequent disaster, bloodshed, and ruthless cruelty. Seeing the utter hopelessness of their position, if left to the tender mercies of the government, many of the English Jacobites determined to share the fortunes of the retreating army, while others withdrew themselves at various parts of the route, and made an effort to save themselves by flight. Among those who declined to proceed into Scotland, as already mentioned, was David Morgan, who parted from his friends at Ashbourn, near Leek, in Staffordshire, on Saturday, the 7th of December; and, accompanied by a guide, proceeded in the direction of Stone, near which place he was apprehended on suspicion of having belonged to the Pretender’s army, and placed in confinement.
Though apprehended early in the month of December, 1745, and brought to trial among the first batch of the unfortunate Jacobites, David Morgan suffered imprisonment until the close of July, 1746. Immediately preceding the trial, he was imprisoned in Newgate, to which prison it is probable that he was removed shortly after his apprehension.
The special commission was opened on the 23rd of June, when eight of the Judges went in procession from Sergeants’ Inn, to the Town Hall of St. Margaret’s Hill, and Lord Chief Justice Lee delivered a charge to the grand jury. The trials did not, however, commence before the 15th of July, 1746, when seventeen prisoners, including David Morgan, were placed at the bar, though his trial did not, after all, take place until the 18th.
It is stated that “the time, place, or circumstances were not varied in any of the indictments, except Counsellor Morgan’s, who was indicted for having been in arms in Derby on the 5th of December, and adhering to the King’s enemies.” {23a}
David Morgan had been too bold and prominent an actor in the Rebellion to render it in any degree difficult for the government to procure decisive evidence of his complicity; and, though he made a lengthened and ingenious defence, the united testimony of several credible witnesses insured his conviction.
The 1745 Jacobite rebellion is often framed as a romantic lost cause, but William Llewellin's account of David Morgan resists that simplification. Morgan's own words, delivered to the sheriff at his execution, form the core of this work—a legal defense that insists on the legitimacy of the Stuart claim and condemns the Revolution settlement as a source of national ruin. Llewellin juxtaposes this defiant statement with a narrative of the rebellion's aftermath, including the grisly disposal of rebels' bodies. The result is a study in contrasts: between the ballad's sentimental farewell and the scaffold's stark reality, between Morgan's constitutional arguments and the brute force that silenced them.
A Voice from the Scaffold
Morgan's execution paper, reproduced in full, is the work's most striking feature. It is not a confession but a legalistic assertion of King James III's title, citing the Statute of Charles II as still in force. Morgan argues that only a free parliament summoned by a lawful king can repeal that law—a position that brands the Revolution a usurpation. His language is precise: the Convention of 1688 was 'commanded by a foreign Prince and Usurper,' and the House of Hanover's accession has brought 'the intire Subversion of all that is dear and valuable to Britons.' This is not the rhetoric of a romantic rebel but of a man who believes he is defending the constitution. Llewellin lets the document stand without extensive commentary, allowing Morgan's own voice to dominate.
The Aftermath: Bodies and Memory
Llewellin details the post-execution fate of the rebels with clinical precision. The heads of Towneley and Fletcher were fixed on Temple Bar; those of Deacon, Berwick, Chadwick, and Syddal were preserved in spirits and sent to Manchester and Carlisle. Morgan's own head is unaccounted for—'it is probable that they were allowed to remain with the bodies.' This uncertainty contrasts with the careful record-keeping of the state's vengeance. The bodies were interred at the Foundling Hospital, a grim irony given the hospital's charitable purpose. Llewellin also notes the crowd's sympathy at the execution, a shift from the earlier hooting and insults. These details ground the rebellion in physical remains, resisting any purely symbolic reading.
Romance versus Record
Llewellin opens with a Jacobite ballad—'my last hoof, and horn, and hide, I'll gie for bonnie Charlie'—and a description of the rebellion as 'romantic and spirit-stirring.' But the body of the work undercuts that framing. Morgan's legal arguments, the graphic account of executions, and the author's own difficulty in tracing the disposal of heads all suggest a messier reality. Llewellin's tone is measured, even dry, as he notes that 'it is difficult to conceive the stormy struggles' from the vantage of peaceful times. This tension between the ballad's emotional appeal and the historian's factual restraint runs through the entire text. The reader is left to weigh the romance of lost causes against the constitutional and human costs that Llewellin documents.
A Welsh Perspective on a British Rebellion
Though the rebellion is often treated as a Scottish affair, Llewellin's focus on Morgan—a Welshman—offers a different angle. Morgan's statement makes no appeal to Welsh identity; his arguments are grounded in British constitutional law. Yet Llewellin's subtitle, 'A Contribution to the History of Jacobitism in Wales,' signals a regional dimension. The work itself is a reprint from the Cambrian Journal, suggesting an audience interested in local history. By centering a Welsh participant, Llewellin implicitly questions the assumption that Jacobitism was primarily a Highland or English Catholic movement. Morgan's legalism and his execution in Surrey complicate any simple geographic or religious mapping of the rebellion.
Readers should approach this text as a primary source in dialogue with its editor. Llewellin's framing is minimal, but his choices—reproducing Morgan's paper in full, noting the fate of each rebel's body, opening with a ballad—create a layered document. The work invites comparison between Morgan's own words and the historical record that surrounds them. It is best read alongside other accounts of the 1745 rebellion, not as a comprehensive history but as a focused case study in how one participant understood his cause and how that cause was physically erased.
Reading about David Morgan’s final words, I kept thinking how a life gets flattened into a verdict. That same ache follows you through Sword and Pen Ventures and Adventures of Willard Glazier — Text and Context—the man behind the deeds feels so close, yet the story keeps choosing the legend over him. It stayed with me quietly, like Morgan’s did.
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