My Experiences at Nan Shan and Port Arthur with the Fifth East Siberian Rifles — A Closer Reading

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Tret'iakov, Nikolaĭ Aleksandrovich, 1854-1917, Baker, F. Nolan [Editor], Alford, Arthur Cameron Rimington, 1882-1954 [Translator] Project Gutenberg 2019 Not confirmed
Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905; Russia. Armiia. 5. Vostochno-Sibirskii strelkovoi; Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905 -- Regimental histories -- Russia Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 90,145
Reading time 392 min
Text sections 19

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A Russian colonel's firsthand account of the 1904-1905 siege of Port Arthur, focusing on the 5th East Siberian Rifles. The narrative blends tactical detail with personal observation, revealing the physical and psychological strains of defending fortified positions under relentless bombardment.
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of war, but as, according to those who ought to know, the Japanese could only put 300,000 men into the field, we all felt quite confident. However, when it became known that General Kashtalinski’s division was going to the Yalu, we did not feel quite the same assurance, since it would be very difficult to defend Port Arthur with only two divisions. French officers, we heard, were greatly surprised that we did not think seriously of war when we really were on the very eve of it. It must be admitted that, while contemplating the peaceful aspect of Port Arthur, we did indeed forget that we were living on the edge of a volcano.

The awakening came on the night of February 8–9, when I was roused up and given a telegram from General Glinski, on opening which I rubbed my eyes as I read:

“The Japanese fleet is fifty miles from the coast and making for Port Arthur. Be on the alert.”

“Well,” I thought to myself, “there is nothing to fear; our fleet will soon make an end of theirs.”

I do not know why, but we always believed in the invulnerability of our fleet, more especially since we heard that the Admiralty had refused to buy from Argentina the two splendid armoured cruisers _Nisshin_ and _Kasuga_, saying that we were strong enough without them. (This may be a misconception, but I am speaking of what we heard at the time.)

Having sent for the commander of the 1st Scout Detachment, I told him to proceed to Kerr Bay and the Ta-ku Shan Peninsula, to keep a look-out on the shore. I then lay down, and was just dozing of! when they called me again. Another telegram from General Glinski; it only contained three words: “War declared. Glinski.” This did not worry me very much. “Let them come first and destroy our fleet, and then they can land in Southern Korea,” I thought to myself.

However, I sent the detachment, and with it ten mounted scouts to act as orderlies. Early in the morning I went out on to the Nan Shan position, where, as I had expected, all the trenches and batteries were in a ruined condition, and in the winter, when the ground was as hard as rock, it would be extremely difficult to restore the fortifications. Returning from the position, I met an officer coming out of Port Arthur, who told me that three of our battleships had been blown up suddenly by Japanese destroyers.[3]

This news was a great shock to me. A landing was now possible, not only in Southern Korea, but even in our rear, and it was absolutely essential to hurry on with the strengthening of the position. But now we had nothing whatever to work with, and so I had to collect all the tools available in the town, which, thanks to the help of Captain Preegorovski, a very smart and energetic officer, was done remarkably quickly. I told off working parties, who set to work to restore the advanced trenches, but the frozen earth would not yield, and the shovels only served for throwing up the lumps of soil loosened by the picks.

Our first recruits and reservists arrived on February 16, and had all to be thoroughly drilled. According to our mobilization plans all the companies of the regiment, except the 1st,[4] should be at the disposal of the officer commanding, and orders were given accordingly, and the 5th and 6th Companies immediately called in, the latter having all this time been engaged with the Hunhutzes. The town of Chin-chou became so crowded that I quartered about half the companies in barracks behind the Nan Shan position, and had the regimental baggage transferred to Port Arthur, where I had hired a private house for its storage, the authorities having refused to give us Government buildings.

Some mounted scouts were sent out to watch the shore under the command of Major Pavlovski, commandant of the Gandzalinski district, and a section of rifles was also allotted to him under Acting Ensign[5] Shiskin of the reserve, as he had complained that the Hunhutzes had become so daring as to be threatening his quarters. We ourselves watched Kerr Bay and the bays adjoining by establishing posts and a chain of mounted scouts, the practice of hunting up the Hunhutzes being abandoned.

Lieutenant-General N. A. Tretyakov's account of the Russo-Japanese War, originally serialized in the Russian military journal Voenny Sbornik in 1909, offers a regimental commander's perspective on the defense of Port Arthur. Translated by Lieutenant A. C. Alford, R.A., and edited by Captain F. Nolan Baker, R.A., the narrative is grounded in the daily realities of siege warfare: the scarcity of water on 203 Metre Hill, the nightly labor of fortifying rocky soil with inadequate tools, and the constant threat of enemy fire that made movement above ground a gamble. Tretyakov's voice is notably candid about his own fear—he admits to seeking safer cover during a bombardment, only to be trampled by men rushing with him—and his observations are precise, noting, for instance, that the Japanese expended over a hundred shells on a single hill in a departure from their usual daily allowance.

Diction and the Officer’s Perspective

Tretyakov’s language is that of a professional soldier reporting to his peers. He uses precise military terminology—splinter-proofs, quick-firing guns, bomb-proof—but also slips into colloquial asides that reveal his state of mind. When he decides to change his position behind a traverse, he writes, “I put my idea into execution, but with unfortunate results.” The understatement is characteristic: a bruise on his back becomes a “memento of the occasion.” His descriptions of the enemy are matter-of-fact: the Japanese are “evidently preparing for something very important,” and their fire is measured in rounds per day. This restrained tone, however, does not mask the urgency. The phrase “we galloped off as hard as we could go” conveys haste without melodrama. The editor’s preface notes that the original articles were written in “simple and intimate language,” and that quality persists in translation: Tretyakov addresses his readers as fellow soldiers, assuming shared knowledge of siegecraft while still making the chaos comprehensible to outsiders.

Dialogue and Reported Speech as Evidence of Command

Tretyakov rarely reproduces direct speech, but when he does, it serves as a marker of critical moments. The message from Major Stempnevski on 203 Metre Hill is summarized indirectly: “the enemy was sweeping the hill with artillery, and that the left flank of our trenches had suffered severely.” This indirect style reflects the formal chain of command; reports are filtered through the commander’s consciousness. Yet the urgency breaks through in the clipped syntax: “Namako Yama was also being heavily bombarded, and it was evident that an assault was imminent.” The absence of quotation marks around the major’s words suggests that Tretyakov is paraphrasing from memory, prioritizing content over exact wording. In contrast, his own internal dialogue appears as self-deprecating reflection: “It seemed to me that my position behind the traverse was not a particularly safe one.” This blend of reported orders and private thought gives the reader access to both the operational and the personal dimensions of command.

Structure and the Rhythm of Siege Warfare

The narrative is organized chronologically but punctuated by recurring patterns: the daily cycle of night work and day concealment, the alternation of bombardment and lull, the movement of reinforcements between hills. Tretyakov describes how “the men only worked at night, as it would have been madness to do so in the daytime.” This structural repetition—night labor, dawn observation, afternoon shelling—creates a rhythm that mirrors the siege’s grinding monotony. He also notes the spatial organization of the defenses: the road running the length of the hill, the splinter-proofs made of planks, the battery for 6-inch guns. These details anchor the reader in a specific geography. The text’s movement between hills—from Fort Ta-yang-kou North to 203 Metre Hill to Namako Yama—follows the logic of a commander scanning his sector, not a historian summarizing a campaign. The result is a fragmented, episodic account that feels true to the fragmented experience of battle.

Recurring Details: Tools, Water, and Casualties

Three material details recur with insistence: the lack of water on 203 Metre Hill, the shortage of tools for digging, and the daily toll of killed and wounded. Tretyakov notes that water had to be carried up at night, and that “it was impossible for any one to show himself on the skyline.” The rocky soil and want of tools “hampered us greatly,” forcing men to work under cover of darkness. Casualties are reported with numerical precision: “every day we had several men killed there.” These details are not embellished; they are the raw data of survival. The author’s attention to logistics—ammunition scarcity, the number of companies on a hill, the placement of guns—reveals a commander’s preoccupation with resources. Even the enemy’s shell count is tracked: “instead of the usual daily allowance of two or three dozen shell, the Japanese had already expended more than a hundred rounds.” This quantitative eye gives the narrative a documentary weight that transcends personal memoir.

Tretyakov’s account is best read as a companion to operational histories of the siege, not as a substitute for them. He assumes the reader knows the broader campaign; his focus is the texture of regimental life under fire. The translation by Alford and editing by Baker preserve the original’s directness, though the reader should note that the English text occasionally smooths Russian military jargon into more familiar terms. For those interested in the human dimensions of siege warfare—the interplay of fear, duty, and physical exhaustion—this narrative offers a rare, unvarnished view from a commander who does not spare himself.

There’s something about these old siege accounts that lingers, the way a quiet room does after a story ends. That colonel’s weariness under the bombardment stayed with me, much like the lingering ache of the Galveston narratives—different disasters, same human weight. I keep returning to both, not for answers, but for the company. The Complete Story of the Galveston Horror — A Reader’s Guide sits beside it now, a strange, somber pair.

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