A history of the Zulu Rebellion, 1906, and of Dinuzulu's arrest, trial, and expatriation — Story, Setting & Ideas

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Stuart, James, 1868-1942 Project Gutenberg 2022 Not confirmed
Zululand (South Africa) -- History; Dinuzulu, approximately 1868-1913; Zulu Rebellion, 1906 Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 207,963
Reading time 905 min
Text sections 30

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Stuart's firsthand account of the 1906 Zulu Rebellion, based on his role as intelligence officer, details military operations, Dinuzulu's arrest and trial, with precise observations on terrain, troop movements, and the challenges of colonial warfare.
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ic was recognized by Britain, its limitations were defined, and a large portion of country alleged to have been ceded was recovered for the Zulus, including all the coast land round St. Lucia Bay.

In May, 1887, the Imperial Government assumed full control of the affairs of Zululand, the Governor's proclamation of formal annexation being read at Eshowe in the presence of some 15,000 Zulus.

Other disturbances arose between Dinuzulu and Zibebu in 1887-8, but as the country had been formally annexed by the Imperial Government, and as it appeared Dinuzulu and his two uncles, Ndabuko and Tshingana, had deliberately contravened the law, of whose provisions they were fully aware, they were arrested on a charge of public violence. Their trial took place at Eshowe before a specially-constituted court, when all three were convicted and sentenced to ten, fifteen and twelve years' imprisonment, respectively. Early in 1889, they were deported to St. Helena. There they remained until the end of 1897, when they were taken back to Zululand. Their return followed immediately upon the annexation of Zululand to Natal, when, of course, the Imperial Government ceased to directly control the affairs of the former territory. The terms of Dinuzulu's repatriation will call for particular notice in a later chapter.

In the Act of Annexation[19] it was provided that "until other provisions shall have been made ... with the approval of Her Majesty, no grants or alienation of Crown Lands ... shall be made, nor till then shall the Natives be disturbed in the use and occupation of any lands occupied or used by them at the time of the taking effect of this Act." In 1902, a Commission was appointed for the purpose of delimiting tracts of country to be reserved for occupation of the Natives, on the one hand, and those for immediate and future European occupation, on the other. About seven-twelfths of the country (whose total acreage is 6,695,000), or approximately 3,887,000 acres, divided into twenty-one separate locations, were reserved for the exclusive occupation of the Natives, whose numbers, at that time, fell just short of 200,000. Much of this land, however, was and still is unsuitable for human habitation, either because of its being too arid and stony for cultivation, of malarial fever being prevalent therein, or of its being infested with the tsetse fly. The total area set apart for European occupation was 2,808,000 acres. The recommendations of the Commission received the approval of the Imperial Government, whereupon the blocks set apart for Europeans were surveyed into farms not exceeding 500 acres apiece, mainly on the coast belt south of the Mhlatuze River, and disposed of to sugar planters. Similarly reserved lands in other parts were not so readily taken up. This opening of the door on a large scale to European settlers undoubtedly went a long way towards unsettling the people.

[Footnote 2: Natal was discovered by a Portuguese navigator, Vasco da Gama, when engaged in his quest for a sea-route to India, on Christmas Day, 1497. But little more was heard of the country until Farewell and Fynn, having proceeded in 1823 as far as St. Lucia Bay and Delagoa Bay respectively, returned to Cape Town and organized the party referred to in the text.]

[Footnote 3: The notorious Zulu King Tshaka's catastrophic reign began about 1814. Great tribes were, at quick intervals between then and 1820, driven headlong into Natal, only to sweep the peaceful inhabitants of the land away with them into the Cape Colony and elsewhere. Three or four of these appalling exoduses, taking place by no means only on the south-west boundary of Zululand, soon denuded Natal, and other adjacent territories, of the greater portion of their aboriginal population. The country was transformed into a howling wilderness, overrun with lions, hyænas, and wolves; and any stray wight, who had succeeded in evading the Zulu fury and was eking out an existence on wild-roots or shell-fish, was hunted by members of his own species, so far de-humanized, within half-a-dozen years, as to have become converted into expert and voracious cannibals.]

[Footnote 4: It was after this kraal that Mzilikazi, "the lion of the North," named his own principal kraal--a name subsequently adopted by the Chartered Company of Rhodesia for the already well-known town established on the site of the kraal.]

[Footnote 5: Bird, _Annals of Natal,_ 194.]

[Footnote 6: _Ibid._ i. 326.]

[Footnote 7: Much of the earlier history of the Colony will be found in the following works: N. Isaacs, _Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa_, 2 vols. London, 1836; Capt. Allen F. Gardiner, _A Journey to the Zoolu Country_, London, 1836; H.F. Fynn, _Papers_, printed in part on pp. 60-124, vol. i. Bird's _Annals of Natal_, Pietermaritzburg, 1888.

Stuart opens his history by explaining the book's unusual origin: commissioned by the Natal government during the campaign, then abandoned by the Union government, leaving him to publish at his own expense with subscriber support. This preface immediately signals that the work straddles official and personal perspectives. The author, a former intelligence officer and Assistant Secretary for Native Affairs, writes from direct involvement, yet acknowledges the difficulty of completing the task while serving as a civil servant.

The narrative voice is methodical and detail-oriented, as seen in the battle accounts. Stuart describes a rebel charge at Mpukunyoni where the enemy used a "device" of advancing ahead to confuse cover, and notes that rebel gunfire, though poor, caused more casualties here than in any other action. He also observes that some rebels wore Turkey-red material, likely looted from a wagon, which made them indistinguishable from the Natal levies—a tactical detail that underscores the chaos of colonial combat.

The Author's Dual Role

Stuart's preface reveals that he was both participant and historian. He was asked to compile the military history while still serving as a civil servant, and later had to continue the work on his own responsibility after the Union government declined to ratify the original instructions. This dual role shapes the narrative: Stuart has access to official records and firsthand knowledge, but his account is not an official publication. He appeals to campaign participants for financial support, making the book a collaborative effort among veterans.

The text shows Stuart's insider perspective. He refers to specific units like the N.N.C., T.M.R., D.L.I., and Nongqai, and names officers such as Colonel McKenzie, Major Fraser, and Captain Robinson. He also critiques the performance of levies, noting that they deserted en bloc at a critical moment because they were not led by someone familiar with their language. This level of operational detail suggests Stuart relied on his own observations and after-action reports.

Tactical Details and Terrain

Stuart's battle descriptions emphasize terrain and movement. In one engagement, the enemy was found "on all sides, especially east of the donga," and the relief force had to descend "a steep incline nearly a mile away." He notes that the combined force drove through forest on the eastern side of the road, making towards Sibuda peak, with specific units on the left, centre, and right. The difficulty of the country is a recurring theme: troops worked "dismounted over exceedingly difficult country."

Stuart also records the arrival of reinforcements, such as the Natal Rangers under Lieut.-Col. Dick, and notes that their arrival was "most opportune." He mentions that the enemy seemed to have moved back to the Mome side of the forests, and that with the forces available, it was impossible to prevent such "breaking back." These passages show Stuart's awareness of the strategic limitations faced by the colonial forces.

Casualties and Their Recording

Stuart provides precise casualty lists, naming the killed and wounded. In one action, four were killed: Corporal Alexander and Troopers Bouck, Harding, and Robertson. Eleven were wounded, including Capt. Clerk, Lieuts. Male and Oswald, and several troopers. He notes the severity of wounds: Clerk, Hawkins, Holmes, Hopkins, and Swart were wounded severely, and Hawkins died that evening. The attention to individual names and ranks reflects Stuart's military background and his desire to honor the fallen.

He also records the enemy's losses: "over 150 were killed, ten of them by Colonel Mansel's force." Over two hundred head of cattle were captured. This balance of reporting—listing both sides' casualties—is consistent with a military history that aims for factual completeness. Stuart does not dwell on the fate of the rebels beyond these numbers, but the inclusion of such data shows his methodical approach.

The Unfinished Official Record

Stuart's preface makes clear that the book was originally intended as an official history but was left incomplete when the Union government declined to fund it. He notes that the work was "based as much on official" sources, but the sentence trails off in the excerpt, leaving the reader to infer that the book now rests on a mix of official documents and private initiative. This ambiguity is important: readers should be aware that while Stuart had access to official records, the final text is not government-sanctioned.

The excerpts also show that Stuart includes extensive quotations from other officers, such as the passage attributed to Colonel McKenzie: "All the units engaged inflicted severe losses on the enemy during the day's operations." This suggests that Stuart compiled reports from multiple commanders, giving the narrative a composite voice. The book thus functions as a repository of firsthand accounts, even as it maintains a single authorial perspective.

Readers approaching this history should note that Stuart's account is both detailed and partial: he was an active participant, and his narrative reflects the colonial military viewpoint. The book is best read as a primary source for the tactics, logistics, and command decisions of the Natal forces, rather than as a comprehensive study of the rebellion's causes or the Zulu perspective. The excerpts offer a window into the challenges of writing history from within the events themselves.

Reading Stuart’s careful notes on the rebellion, I remembered my grandfather’s ledger of tenant disputes—how power always writes its own testimony. That same ache surfaced again in The History of Woman Suffrage, Volume IV — Story, Setting & Ideas, where voices long unheard finally demanded the page. Both books feel less like history than like a held breath, waiting for someone to listen properly.

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