New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 Who Began the War, and Why? — Text and Context

(0 User reviews) 42

In Category - World Events

Authors: Various Digital Source: Project Gutenberg Gutenberg Release Year: 2005 First Publication Year: Not confirmed

Key Word: World War, 1914-1918 Target Reader: Readers of public-domain and historical texts

Book Edition: Project Gutenberg digital edition Book Language: en

Edition facts

Words 138,347

Reading time 602 min

Text sections 17

The source record for New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 Who Began the War, and Why? — Text and Context measures this digital text at 138,347 words, 10 hr 2 min estimated reading time, and 17 detected text sections.

The text analysis averages about 23.2 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.

Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “World War, 1914-1918,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.

Source: Project Gutenberg record #16331

This volume collects primary documents—speeches, official statements, and diplomatic exchanges—from the first months of World War I, presenting competing justifications for the war from Germany and the Triple Entente.

Editorial Edition Score 4.8/5

★★★★★ ★★★★★

Calculated from edition completeness, EPUB availability, text structure and catalogue metadata. Not a user rating.

How this score is calculated

Description quality20 pts
Title & short description10 pts
Source metadata20 pts
Text length15 pts
Chapters / structure15 pts
EPUB file integrity20 pts

Total of 100 points, scaled to a 2.5-5.0 range. Editions with an empty description or a missing EPUB file are not scored.

Edition quality

File: pg16331

Read the Text

Germany was hostile to England throughout the Boer war. Undoubtedly the newspapers were hostile and public opinion was hostile. "But what," he asked, "of official Germany? What brought to a sudden stop, indeed, to an absolute collapse, the European tour of the Boer delegates, who were striving to obtain European intervention?"

"They were fêted in Holland. France gave them a rapturous welcome. They wished to come to Berlin, where the German people would have crowned them with flowers, but when they asked me to receive them I refused. The agitation immediately died away and the delegates returned empty handed. Was that the action of a secret enemy?

"Again, when the struggle was at its height, the German Government was invited by France and Russia to join them in calling upon England to end the war. The moment had come, they said, not only to save the Boer republics, but also to humiliate England to the dust. What was my reply? I said so far from Germany joining in any concerted European action to bring pressure against England and bring about her downfall Germany would always keep aloof from politics that could bring her into complications with a sea power like England.

"Posterity will one day read the exact terms of a telegram, now in the archives of Windsor Castle, in which I informed the sovereign of England of the answer I returned to the powers which then sought to compass her fall. Englishmen who now insult me by doubting my word should know what my actions were in the hour of their adversity.

"Nor was that all. During your black week in December, 1899, when disasters followed one another in rapid succession, I received a letter from Queen Victoria, my revered grandmother, written in sorrow and affliction and bearing manifest traces of the anxieties which were preying upon her mind and health. I at once returned a sympathetic reply. I did more. I bade one of my officers to procure as exact an account as he could obtain of the number of combatants on both sides and the actual positions of the opposing forces.

"With the figures before me I worked out what I considered the best plan of campaign in the circumstances and submitted it to my General Staff for criticism. Then I dispatched it to England. That document likewise is among the State papers at Windsor awaiting the serenely impartial verdict of history.

"Let me add as a curious coincidence that the plan which I formulated ran very much on the same lines as that actually adopted by Gen. Roberts and carried by him into successful operation. Was that the act of one who wished England ill? Let Englishmen be just and say."

Touching then upon the English conviction that Germany is increasing her navy for the purpose of attacking Great Britain, the Kaiser reiterated the explanation that Chancellor von Bülow and other Ministers have made familiar, dwelling upon Germany's worldwide commerce, her manifold interests in distant seas, and the necessity for being prepared to protect them. He said:

"Patriotic Germans refuse to assign any bounds to their legitimate commercial ambitions. They expect their interests to go on growing. They must be able to champion them manfully in any quarter of the globe. Germany looks ahead. Her horizons stretch far away. She must be prepared for any eventualities in the Far East. Who can foresee what may take place in the Pacific in the days to come, days not so distant as some believe, but days, at any rate, for which all European powers with Far Eastern interests ought to steadily prepare?

"Look at the accomplished rise of Japan. Think of a possible national awakening in China, and then judge of the vast problems of the Pacific. Only those powers which have great navies will be listened to with respect when the future of the Pacific comes to be solved, and if for that reason only Germany must have a powerful fleet. It may even be that England herself will be glad that Germany has a fleet when they speak together in the great debates of the future."

The interviewer concludes:

"The Emperor spoke with all that earnestness which marks his manner when speaking on deeply pondered subjects. I ask my fellow-countrymen who value the cause of peace to weigh what I have written and revise, if necessary, their estimate of the Kaiser and his friendship for England by his Majesty's own words. If they had enjoyed the privilege of hearing them spoken they would no longer doubt either his Majesty's firm desire to live on the best of terms with England or his growing impatience at the persistent mistrust with which his offer of friendship is too often received."

Continue Reading →

This volume, published by the New York Times in 1915, compiles official speeches, diplomatic correspondence, and public statements from the opening months of the European war. The table of contents reveals a deliberate structure: it presents the case for Germany first, then the case for the Triple Entente, each section drawing on speeches by Kaiser Wilhelm II, British ministers, and other leaders. The excerpts show that the editors aimed to let the belligerents speak for themselves, reproducing texts such as Wilhelm II's letter to Lord Tweedmouth and Sir Edward Grey's House of Commons speech. The catalog subject "World War, 1914-1918" accurately frames the content, but the volume's focus is narrower—it is a curated documentary record of the war's origins, not a comprehensive history.

Documentary Structure and Editorial Framing

The volume is organized as a point-counterpoint, with two main sections: "Who Began the War, and Why? The Case for Germany" and "Case for the Triple Entente." Each section opens with a chapter heading that signals the editorial stance—for example, the German case includes subheadings like "A German Review of the Evidence" and "Truth About Germany," while the Entente case features "First Warnings of Europe's Peril" and speeches by British ministers. The excerpts show that the editors did not provide their own analysis; instead, they let the documents stand as evidence. The table of contents lists specific documents, such as "Wilhelm II.'s Letter to Lord Tweedmouth" and "Sir Edward Grey's Speech in the House of Commons Aug. 3," indicating a focus on high-level political rhetoric. This structure suggests that the intended audience was readers seeking to understand the competing narratives, not a single authoritative account.

Rhetorical Strategies in the Speeches

The excerpts reveal distinct rhetorical appeals. In the German section, Kaiser Wilhelm II's speeches emphasize divine mission and national unity, with phrases like "Your hearts for God, your fists on the enemy" and a prayer for victory. The Austrian-Hungarian manifesto frames the war as "a purely defensive war." In contrast, the British speeches, such as Asquith's address, invoke honor and duty: "the choice lay between honor and dishonor." Asquith also praises Belgium's "memorable and glorious example" and calls for a "united effort." Both sides use emotional language—cheers and cries of "No!" are noted in the text—but the British speeches more explicitly reference parliamentary procedure and public opinion. The volume thus captures how each nation constructed a moral justification for war, using shared concepts like defense and honor but applying them to different actions.

Limitations of the Documentary Record

While the catalog subject suggests a broad treatment of World War I, the excerpts show that this volume is limited to the war's origins and early justifications. It does not cover military operations, civilian experiences, or the war's later developments. The documents are all from official or political sources—speeches, manifestos, and diplomatic notes—so the voices of soldiers, journalists, or ordinary citizens are absent. Additionally, the volume's structure as a compilation means that readers must infer the editors' perspective from the selection and ordering of documents. For instance, placing the German case first might imply a desire to present that side before rebuttal, but the excerpts do not include any editorial commentary explaining this choice. The volume is best understood as a primary source collection, not a balanced history.

Readers should approach this volume as a snapshot of wartime propaganda and official rhetoric, not as an objective account. The documents reveal how each nation framed its actions as defensive and honorable, using similar language for opposing ends. To fully understand the war's origins, one would need to supplement this collection with diplomatic histories, memoirs, and analyses of the underlying political and economic factors. The value of this volume lies in its preservation of primary texts that shaped public opinion in 1914-1915.

Rain fell against the window that afternoon, and I kept returning to those brittle pages of official statements, their certainty so haunting. It made me wonder about the quiet lives behind all that diplomacy. Months later, I stumbled upon The War History of the 1st/4th Battalion, the Loyal North Lancashire Regiment now the Loyal Regiment (North Lancashire), 1914-1918 — Themes and Context, where the rain becomes mud, and the rhetoric becomes a soldier’s footstep.